History of Genocide

Friday 5 Jan, 2007 – 07:29 Kigali

Nearly every aspect of life in Rwanda is somehow marked by the events of and leading up to the 1994 massacre. Hence, it occurred to me that before learning from or contributing to anything, I had to first examine the genocide and understand its origins from a Rwandese perspective. Before my internship began, I asked lots of questions and sorted through their various responses. I found that there were no answers, only explanations to answers.

Peter continues to be a strong source of information, and the other day he introduced me to the Genocide Memorial. The museum’s main goal is to unravel the history of Rwanda’s ethnic cleansing in hopes that it might never happen again – here or elsewhere. We walked through the exhibit, watching videos, looking at pictures, and reading captions, while Peter filled in the gaps. What follows is my best attempt to consolidate chaos and repackage it in a detailed yet simplified and hopefully understandable version. This is the history of genocide.

To understand 1994, we must begin in 1895. Originally Rwandans were united as one people, speaking one language, and living in one country. They distinguished themselves into three categories – Tutsis farmed animals, Hutus farmed land, and the primitive Twa made their living in pottery and traditional arts. Because of intermarriage between the ambiguous groups and crossing of potentially different gene pools, claiming these are ancestrally different people is a liberal assertion.

Germans first occupied Rwanda in 1895, describing natives as peaceful cohabitants. But when Belgium assumed control after the First World War in 1923, they divided Rwandans based on head size, presumed mental capability, and a number of other factors. They reasoned that Tutsis were tall, long-fingered, pointy-nosed, and had beautiful girls, Hutus were medium height, flat-nosed (had comparatively ugly girls?), and the Twa were short and stout in stature. Although many of these differences were probably be diet-associated, loosely applied Beligian distinctions counted Hutus, Tutsis, and Twa at 84, 15, and 1 percent of the population, respectively. Additionally, Tutsis were thought to be intellectually superior, perhaps because they were wealthier and better represented in tribal leadership, and were thus granted privileged positions in exchange for Belgian loyalty.

The power differential continued until King Rudahigwa, a Tutsi, passed away in 1959. Subsequent to his death, in a bid to usurp power, came the first Hutu-imposed massacre. Tutsis who were not killed sought refuge outside the country. Then in 1961, a year before Rwandan independence, came the first elections. Kayibanda, of the Parmehutu party, ran on a Hutu-emancipation platform, preached division between the Hutu and Tutsi (who had fled the country), and easily won the election. Shortly thereafter, remaining Tutsis were relocated, leaving animals, supplies, and houses behind, to an area called Bugesera in order to keep separation between the two groups. Ironically enough, at the same time a Hutu named Habyirimana (who would become an important genocidal figure) started the MRND party, claiming it was the only political party and that all Rwandans were supporting members.

MRND influence grew, and all the more as Habyirimana became friends with then French President Mitterrand who supported MRND by all possible means, including money and weapons (the connection between Habyirimana and France is extremely important. Don’t forget this, because it will come up later. Subliminal message: France = Hutu). From the MRND party was derived Interhamwe, the infamous Hutu youth militia. They were a dangerous and flamboyant group, advocating for Hutu power at Tutsi expense. Aided by extremist media, genocidal ideology was in place and perfected by the early 1990’s.

This next paragraph discusses other emerging parties at the time. Skip it if you wish, as it is breeding grounds for confusion and excessive information. I should note that commonly understood abbreviations are given for French phrases, which I don’t understand.

At the same time came the formation of MDR, an opposition party yet loyal to the Hutu cause. In the post-genocide years MDR joined the government, but was disbanded in 2002 for its genocidal ideology. Another group emerged named PSD, which comprised of both Hutus and Tutsis. It continues to exist today, and is most highly represented by the current Senatorial President, who is an active member. I’ll also mention here the name Hassan Ngeze, a Hutu extremist and editor of the radical newspaper Kangura who promoted the word Inyenzi, meaning cockroach, as a reference to the Tutsi, and who stated “If the cockroach lifts its head again, they will all be exterminated”. Conspiracy theorists: Ngeze published two articles in Kangura predicting a Habyirimana death in March of 1994 (death occured April 6 of that year). Lastly, CDR – Coalition of the Defense of the Repulic – a sick and twisted group of Hutu radical death squads. As I stood, reading their story, Peter stretched out his long, narrow finger to a picture on the wall. “That man, he was the leader. When he died in February ‘94, they killed my father. I told you, the man was killed at 1, and my father returned from Uganda at 2. He was home for two hours when they come my house and kill him at 4.”

All in all, over 700,000 Tutsis were exiled from Rwanda between 1959 and 1973 as a result of the Belgian colonialist-backed ethnic cleansing. Prevented from returning, these expatriates joined the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and, wanting to reestablish equal rights and allow exiled return, invaded the country on October 1st, 1990. As an aside, this was the same day Peter’s father was first arrested for being Tutsi (6 month sentence). Civil War broke out, leading to the internal displacement of Rwandans in government refugee camps.

With a brilliant propaganda campaign underway, genocide was rehearsed on eight occasions before April 6th, 1994, the date we know as the genocide’s beginning. Let these organized Tutsi massacres sink in as you read out loud. October, 1990. January and February, 1991. March and August, 1992, January and March, 1993, February, 1994.


There is still some ground to cover, however, before the actual genocide. In July, 1992 Habyirimana and RPF agreed on a ceasefire. And in August, 1993 the RPF and the Rwandan government signed the Arusha Peace Accord. From this was to come a transitional government, which was to then be exchanged for a democratically elected government. Refugees were also to be allowed re-admittance, and French troops were to leave, making way for the newly established United Nations Assistance Mission In Rwanda (UNAMIR). This all seemed like a viable path to a peaceful solution, except that Habyirimana saw the stipulations as a surrender to RPF, and thus a transitional government was never formed, opting instead to accuse the RPF of manipulating the Arusha Peace Conference.

To throw sparks on fuel, Habyirimana’s regime enterest the largest Rwandan arms deal in history with a French company for 12M USD, a loan guaranteed by the French government (remember the friendship between Habyirimana and Mitterrand? Here it is again).

Alright, news junkies, tabloid readers, and the rest of you dirt-digging, secrets-found-out lovers, here’s your meat and potatoes. Now introducing an informant named Jean-Pierre (JP), a member of then Hutu President Ngiÿÿmpatÿÿ’s (of the pro-HutÿÿMRND parÿÿ) seÿÿriÿÿ guard.

On January 10ÿÿ, 1994 (three months before the genocide), JP, fearing the president has lost control of extremists, leaks to the UN that there are 1700 Interhamwe youth milita, and 300 more being trained weekly. Furthermore, that they are registering all Tutsis in Kigali as part of an extermination plan, in which they predict death rates at 50 Tutsis per minute. They were supposedly also planning to kill Belgian peacekeepers to force the UN to withdraw. JP was even willing to go to the press if UNAMIR could secure his protection, which they could not. The following day UNAMIR head, Lt. General Roméo Dallaire (the blue beret-wearing UN man from the Hollywood hit ‘Hotel Rwanda’), wrote the Security General’s military advisor in New York about JP’s leak and suggested an arms seizure, but no action was taken. Instead, Kofi Annan wrote in return, “No reconnaissance or other action, including response to request for protection, should be taken by UNAMIR until clear guidance is receive from HQ”.

April 6th, 1994.

As Rwandan president Habyirimana and Burundi president Ntaryamira were approaching Kigali’s international airport, their plane was shot down by missile at 20:23. By 21:15 roadblocks were in place and houses being searched – an undeniably preplanned genocide. The military was armed and with one purpose: to identify and kill all Tutsis. Prime Minister Agathe Uwiligiyimana was to become head of the country in wake of the president’s death but, although a Hutu herself, held anti-genocide beliefs. She was murdered the following day, along with her husband, before she could address the nation. A man named Jean Kambanda, fully involved in genocide, assumed authority and distributed weapons to killers.

No authorities, no meaningful international presence, hatred, no restraints. Jailed, terrorized, murdered, burned, raped, tortured, hacked. Machetes, clubs, guns. Chains found around brothers and sisters at the base of latrines. Relatives forced to kill each other, then murdered in their agony.

We paused here, Peter and I. There hanged an illuminated picture of the St. Famille church, his 45-day refuge. The caption said something about Father Wenceslas collaborating with Hutu militia. Peter: “That one is called Wenceslas. He used to preach to us with a bulletproof vest and pistol at his side. The militia, yeah, they were the friends of him. Yeah, I remember it, he would just invite them. They were become comfortable. And then they come when even he was not there. They come and just take people away. That Wenceslas, he’s now preaching in France”.

“You remember all that?”

“Of course,” he said, surprised it was even a question.

“So you hid?”

“Ah,” a gasp of disgust, “but where? The church is open. Look, I sat there,” pointing to a pew in the front right corner, “and maybe they walk down this one path and take the one two up from me, or two back from me. Or this one there, next to me.

“You see, I was at my uncle’s on 6 April and went to St. Famille on 10 April. I was there for that whole time. Once I go to the hill to get maybe to Milles Collines Hotel, but no. And maybe this way to go to other church, but no. All this taking of people by Hutu and what what. Then UNAMIR soldier took us finally behind RPF line in mid June, and that’s where I was for the other genocide days”.

Before the numbers stopped at 300,000 orphans, 85,000 child head of homes, and 2,000,000 refugees dispersed throughout camps in Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zaire, the RPF had to reach Kigali, from where the Genocidaires controlled the country. Once they reached there the genocide would effectively end.

On April 21st the UN Security Council passed a resolution stating they were, “appalled at the ensuing large scale of violence in Rwanda” which resulted in deaths of thousands. At the same meeting they also voted to reduce UNAMIR to 270 volunteer Ghanian personnel.

Although Dallaire predicted it would only take 5,000 troops to squash the genocide, the only soldiers to arrive in Rwanda before the genocide ended were French. The goal of their Opéracion Turquoise was to create a safe haven in southern Rwanda between conflicting sides. Rwandans today claim it really only functioned as a safe zone for Genocidaires, fleeing the southward moving RPF forces, to escape into Zaire.

May 17 was the creation of the Security Council’s UNAMIR II – 5,500 troops and mandate to use force. The US was to contribute 50 troops and armored personnel carriers. But for whatever reason, it took a month for those to arrive in Uganda, then more time to get into Rwanda.

By genocide’s end there was plenty of support in the international refugee camps, but survivors remaining within the country were overlooked. Adding to this microcosm of hell, a problem which lingers today and which might never be eradicated, was that many known HIV+ Hutu militia raped survivors, who were without quick access to antiretroviral treatment. By contrast, the museum points out, Genocidaires in the international court system received immediate drug therapy.

The museum ends by routing visitors through a series of chilling rooms. The first a collection of snapshots strung side by side, floor to ceiling, covering every wall – pictures of victims, donated by survivors. I followed Peter as he motioned for me to join him. He wanted to show me a picture of his uncle, who owned the house that was engulfed in flames when his mother, and two sisters (4 months and 2 years) were murdered. The man in the picture also died in the fire. And then down a little ways, on an adjacent wall - a picture of family friends. He didn’t know how they died.

The next room was dark, the only light coming from illuminated cases – nicked femurs and cracked skulls. There’s a mass grave in Nyimirambo, a neighborhood not too far from here. When the memorial opened, any interested persons were invited to transfer a few bones to new mass memorial grave outside the museum. Peter wondered whose bones he held, and whether or not someone held his mother or sisters, who died in Nyimirambo.

The next room contained shirts and pants behind glass panes, hung from the ceiling as if they were standing - obviously clothing taken from bodies on the streets. The last one was wearing a maroon sweatshirt, white writing. Cornell University. It amazes me how much of the West is exported and how little assistance extended.

There is another floor to the memorial, but they kicked us out after two and a half hours, well passed closing time.

That night I walked into our unlit bedroom. I thought my friend was asleep until he shot up – standing on his bed like my sister and I did as children. He asked to share photos of his parents, and reached to the back of our tall dresser to get them out. Earlier in the evening we talked to my mom on Skype, a free online videoconferencing service. She waved at him. His parents remained still, but I don’t doubt that they speak to him just as sweetly as mine do to me. His mother was beautiful. The photos, he said, will hang next to his uncle at the memorial when he’s ready for others to see them. Then we went to bed.

It’s said that because of colonialism and genocide, Rwanda is a country with a future but without a past. No doubt other sides are being hidden, diplomatic ties with France having been cut. But understanding how Rwandans tell their own tragedy allows me to move on and pursue the work for which I originally came.